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1.
The ground pattems found in Pulitrouser Swamp, northern Belize, are vestiges of raised and channelized fields, types of wetland cultivation used by the ancient Maya. This form of hydraulic cultivation was apparently employed sometime between 200 B.C. and A.D. 850. The environment of the swamp, the fields and canals, and one nearby settlement, Kokeal, are described. The evidence indicates that the large number of well-defined ground patterns reported in other areas in the central Maya lowlands are probably vestiges of Maya wetland cultivation. 相似文献
2.
The defeat of the Aztecs of Mexico by Hernán Cortés in 1521 was but the beginning of a long and torturous conquest of Central America that did not always result in the mastery of people and production for which the Spanish had hoped. The Maya of the resource-poor Yucatán peninsula were spared the heavy colonial hand that held fast to central Mexico and its riches. In addition, the dense forests of the peninsula served as a haven for refugees fleeing oppressive conditions in colonial towns. Despite the paucity of documentary information on Maya communities of the frontier, knowledge of Maya-Spanish relations in the 16th and 17th centuries has advanced in recent years through archeological and ethnohistorical research. Work in one region of the Maya lowlands has brought us closer to an understanding of the early interaction of the rulers and the ruled. 相似文献
3.
The tropical lowlands of southern Mexico and Central America are composed of a complex mosaic of landscapes that presented a variety of possibilities and challenges to the subsistence practices of the ancient Maya. The Yalahau Regional Human Ecology Project has been investigating ancient Maya agricultural practices and use of resources in a unique fresh-water wetland zone located in the northeast corner of the Yucatán Peninsula. While containing only a sparse population today, the Yalahau region once supported numerous Maya communities and civic-ceremonial centers, particularly during the Late Preclassic and Early Classic periods, between approximately 100 B.C. and A.D. 450. Our investigations have developed evidence that the ancient Maya manipulated and cultivated the wetland landscape of the region, used soil or algae from the wetlands to enrich upland garden plots, and cultivated trees within their communities. We suggest that the study of ancient Maya agricultural practices can contribute to sustainable development of the area today and in the future. 相似文献
4.
Maya astronomical tables are recognized in bark-paper books from the Late Postclassic period (1300 to 1521 C.E.), but Classic period (200 to 900 C.E.) precursors have not been found. In 2011, a small painted room was excavated at the extensive ancient Maya ruins of Xultun, Guatemala, dating to the early 9th century C.E. The walls and ceiling of the room are painted with several human figures. Two walls also display a large number of delicate black, red, and incised hieroglyphs. Many of these hieroglyphs are calendrical in nature and relate astronomical computations, including at least two tables concerning the movement of the Moon, and perhaps Mars and Venus. These apparently represent early astronomical tables and may shed light on the later books. 相似文献
5.
Smith BD 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1989,246(4937):1566-1571
As a result of research carried out over the past decade, eastern North America now provides one of the most detailed records of the origins of agriculture available. Spanning a filll three millennia, the transition from forager to farmer in eastern North America involved the domestication of four North American seed plants during the second millennium B.C., the initial emergence of food production economies based on local crop plants between 250 B.C. and A.D. 200, and the rapid and broad-scale shift to maize-centered agriculture during the three centuries from A.D. 800 to 1100. 相似文献
6.
Willey GR 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1982,215(4530):260-267
Maya beginnings go back at least 4000 years in southern Mexico and Central America. The Maya of the tropical lowlands were one of several linguistically distinct groups who occupied pre-Columbian Mesoamerica. Their complex social order and civilization, which arose from early village farming, encompassed remarkable achievements in architecture, the arts, and hieroglyphic writing. Their Classic civilization (A.D. 250 to 1000) was a tightly integrated system in which subsistence, technology, settlement, the arts, and ideology closely intermeshed. Their decline and the subsequent Postclassic Period (A.D. 1000 to .1520), the continuing subjects of debate among Mayanists, are perhaps best understood in the light of more widespread Mesoamerican trends and changes. 相似文献
7.
The disintegration of the Classic Maya civilization in the Yucatán Peninsula and Central America was a complex process that occurred over an approximately 200-year interval and involved a catastrophic depopulation of the region. Although it is well established that the civilization collapse coincided with widespread episodes of drought, their nature and severity remain enigmatic. We present a quantitative analysis that offers a coherent interpretation of four of the most detailed paleoclimate records of the event. We conclude that the droughts occurring during the disintegration of the Maya civilization represented up to a 40% reduction in annual precipitation, probably due to a reduction in summer season tropical storm frequency and intensity. 相似文献
8.
于船 《中国农业大学学报》1980,(3):63-66
猪阉割技术的出现,是我国古代兽医学的一项重要成就。关于这一技术中的有些问题记述不一,或存在着不同的看法,因此需要加以讨论。一、关于猪阉割技术的出现在我国三千多年以前的殷墟卜辞中,便有 相似文献
9.
High-resolution holocene environmental changes in the thar desert, northwestern india 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
Enzel Y Ely LL Mishra S Ramesh R Amit R Lazar B Rajaguru SN Baker VR Sandler A 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1999,284(5411):125-128
Sediments from Lunkaransar dry lake in northwestern India reveal regional water table and lake level fluctuations over decades to centuries during the Holocene that are attributed to changes in the southwestern Indian monsoon rains. The lake levels were very shallow and fluctuated often in the early Holocene and then rose abruptly around 6300 carbon-14 years before the present (14C yr B.P.). The lake completely desiccated around 4800 (14)C yr B.P. The end of this 1500-year wet period coincided with a period of intense dune destabilization. The major Harrapan-Indus civilization began and flourished in this region 1000 years after desiccation of the lake during arid climate and was not synchronous with the lacustral phase. 相似文献
10.
Thompson LG Mosley-Thompson E Davis ME Lin PN Henderson KA Cole-Dai J Bolzan JF Liu KB 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1995,269(5220):46-50
Two ice cores from the col of Huascarán in the north-central Andes of Peru contain a paleoclimatic history extending well into the Wisconsinan (Würm) Glacial Stage and include evidence of the Younger Dryas cool phase. Glacial stage conditions at high elevations in the tropics appear to have been as much as 8 degrees to 12 degrees C cooler than today, the atmosphere contained about 200 times as much dust, and the Amazon Basin forest cover may have been much less extensive. Differences in both the oxygen isotope ratio zeta(18)O (8 per mil) and the deuterium excess (4.5 per mil) from the Late Glacial Stage to the Holocene are comparable with polar ice core records. These data imply that the tropical Atlantic was possibly 5 degrees to 6 degrees C cooler during the Late Glacial Stage, that the climate was warmest from 8400 to 5200 years before present, and that it cooled gradually, culminating with the Little Ice Age (200 to 500 years before present). A strong warming has dominated the last two centuries. 相似文献
11.
Pendergast DM 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1982,217(4559):533-535
Discovery of mercury in an ancient Maya offering at Lamanai, Belize, has stimulated examination of possible sources of the material in the Maya area. Two zones of cinnabar and native mercury deposits can be defined in the Maya highlands, and the presence of the native metal suggests that the ancient Maya collected rather than extracted the mercury from ore. 相似文献
12.
Van Olphen H 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1966,154(3749):645-646
Maya Blue, a pigment used by the Mayas in Yucatan, is remarkably stable: the color is not destroyed by hot concentrated mineral acids or by heating to about 250 degrees C. The principal constituent is the colorless mineral attapulgite. It is proposed that the pigment is an adsorption complex of attapulgite and natural indigo; a synthetic equivalent may be prepared from attapulgite and either indoxylester or indigo, or by applying the vat-dyeing technique, with reduced indigo.The low dye content of the pigment (less than 0.5 percent) indicates that the dye is absorbed only on the external surfaces of the attapulgite particles and not throughout the channels in their structures. The complex as such is not stable to acids, but the stability displayed by Maya Blue is achieved simply by heating the complex to from 75 degrees to 150 degrees C for several days. An analogous stable pigment can be prepared from sepiolite and indigo. No stable pigments could be prepared from clays with platelike structures or from zeolites. 相似文献
13.
14.
Deevey ES Rice DS Rice PM Vaughan HH Brenner M Flannery MS 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1979,206(4416):298-306
From the first millennium B.C. through the 9th-century A.D. Classic Maya collapse, nonurban populations grew exponentially, doubling every 408 years, in the twin-lake (Yaxha-Sacnab) basin that contained the Classic urban center of Yaxha. Pollen data show that forests were essentially cleared by Early Classic time. Sharply accelerated slopewash and colluviation, amplified in the Yaxha subbasin by urban construction, transferred nutrients plus calcareous, silty clay to both lakes. Except for the urban silt, colluvium appearing as lake sediments has a mean total phosphorus concentration close to that of basin soils. From this fact, from abundance and distribution of soil phosphorus, and from continuing post-Maya influxes (80 to 86 milligrams of phosphorus per square meter each year), which have no other apparent source, we conclude that riparian soils are anthrosols and that the mechanism of long-term phosphorus loading in lakes is mass transport of soil. Per capita deliveries of phosphorus match physiological outputs, approximately 0.5 kilogram of phosphorus per capita per year. Smaller apparent deliveries reflect the nonphosphatic composition of urban silt; larger societal outputs, expressing excess phosphorus from deforestation and from food waste and mortuary disposal, are probable but cannot be evaluated from our data. Eutrophication is not demonstrable and was probably impeded, even in less-impacted lakes, by suspended Maya silt. Environmental strain, the product of accelerating agroengineering demand and sequestering of nutrients in colluvium, developed too slowly to act as a servomechanism, damping population growth, at least until Late Classic time. 相似文献
15.
Trace element analysis of obsidian artifacts from Moho Cay, Belize, reveals that the obsidian derives primarily from the El Chayal outcrop in highland Guatemala and not from the Ixtepeque source. This is contrary to the widely accepted obsidian trade route model for Classic Maya civilization and suggests that Classic Maya obsidian trade was a more complex economic phenomenon than has been recognized. 相似文献
16.
[目的]研究不同浓度B9和CCC对菊花生长及部分生理指标的影响,为菊花矮化栽培提供理论依据。[方法]采用盆栽试验,对菊花喷施不同浓度(500、800、1000、1200和1500 mg/L)的B9和CCC,研究B9和CCC对菊花生长、开花及部分生理指标的影响。以喷清水为对照。[结果]当B9浓度大于1000 mg/L或CCC浓度大于1200 mg/L时,菊花的株高、分枝数和叶片数显著减少,矮化效果明显;B9和CCC都可使菊花的开花期有不同程度的延迟;喷施B9和CCC后菊花叶片中叶绿素和可溶性糖含量显著增加,叶色加深,光合效率增强。[结论]1000 mg/LB9和1200 mg/LCCC在改善菊花株型,提高其观赏价值和生理品质等方面的综合效果较好。 相似文献
17.
A severe incongruity has long existed between the well-known complexity of ancient Maya civilization and the relatively feeble economic base that could be reconstructed for it. Recent fieldwork has ihdicated that much more intensive cultivation patterns were used than was previously thought. Data from the use of synthetic aperture radar in aerial surveys of the southern Maya lowlands suggest that large areas were drained by ancient canals that may have been used for intensive cultivation. Ground checks in several limited areas have confirmed the existence of canals, and excavations and ground surveys have provided valuable comparative information. Taken together, the new data suggest that Late Class period Maya civilization was firmly grounded in large-scale and intensive cultivation of swampy zones. 相似文献
18.
Marcus J 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1973,180(4089):911-916
Thus far I have discussed ancient Maya sociopolitical structure from the upper levels of the hierarchy downward. Let me now summarize their territorial organization from the bottom upward, starting at the hamlet level (Fig. 8). The smallest unit of settlement-one usually overlooked by archeological surveys in the lowland rain forest-was probably a cluster of thatched huts occupied by a group of related families; larger clusters may have been divided into four quadrants along the lines suggested by Coe (26). Because of the long fallow period (6 to 8 years) characteristic of slash-and-burn agriculture in the Petén, these small hamlets are presumed to have changed location over the years, although they probably shifted in a somewhat circular fashion around a tertiary ceremonial-civic center for whose maintenance they were partly responsible. These tertiary centers were spaced at fairly regular intervals around secondary ceremonial-civic centers with pyramids, carved monuments, and palace-like residences. In turn, the secondary centers occurred at such regular intervals as to form hexagonal patterns around primary centers, which were still larger, with acropolises, multiple ceremonial plazas, and greater numbers of monuments. In some cases, the distance between secondary centers was roughly twice the distance between secondary and tertiary centers, creating a lattice of nested hexagonal cells. This pattern, which conforms to a Western theoretical construct, was presumably caused by factors of service function, travel, and transport. The pattern was not recognized by the Maya at all. They simply recognized that a whole series of smaller centers were dependent on a primary center and therefore mentioned its emblem glyph. Linking the centers of the various hexagons were marriage alliances between members of royal dynasties, who had no kinship ties with the farmers in the hamlets. Out of the large number of primary centers available to them, the Maya selected four as regional capitals. True to their cosmology, the Maya regarded these capitals as associated with the four quadrants of their realm, regardless of their actual location. Each was the home city for a very important dynasty whose junior members probably ruled secondary centers. Since the hexagonal lattices were probably adjusted to variations in population density, each of the four quadrants of the Maya realm probably controlled a comparable number of persons. So strong was the cognized model that, despite the rise and fall of individual centers, there seem always to have been four capitals, each associated with a direction and, presumably, with a color. There is still a great deal to learn about the social, political, and territorial organization of the lowland Maya, and parts of the picture presented here need far more data for their confirmation. What seems likely is that the Maya had an overall quadripartite organization (rather than a core and buffer zone) and that within each quadrant there was at least a five-tiered administrative hierarchy of capital, secondary center, tertiary center, village, and hamlet. Perhaps most significant, there was no real conflict between the lattice-like network predicted by locational analysis and the cosmological four-part structure predicted by epigraphy and ethnology. 相似文献
19.
Weiss H Courty MA Wetterstrom W Guichard F Senior L Meadow R Curnow A 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1993,261(5124):995-1004
Archaeological and soil-stratigraphic data define the origin, growth, and collapse of Subir, the third millennium rain-fed agriculture civilization of northern Mesopotamia on the Habur Plains of Syria. At 2200 B. C., a marked increase in aridity and wind circulation, subsequent to a volcanic eruption, induced a considerable degradation of land-use conditions. After four centuries of urban life, this abrupt climatic change evidently caused abandonment of Tell Leilan, regional desertion, and collapse of the Akkadian empire based in southern Mesopotamia. Synchronous collapse in adjacent regions suggests that the impact of the abrupt climatic change was extensive. 相似文献
20.
Climate and the collapse of Maya civilization 总被引：5，自引：0，他引：5
Haug GH Günther D Peterson LC Sigman DM Hughen KA Aeschlimann B 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》2003,299(5613):1731-1735
In the anoxic Cariaco Basin of the southern Caribbean, the bulk titanium content of undisturbed sediment reflects variations in riverine input and the hydrological cycle over northern tropical South America. A seasonally resolved record of titanium shows that the collapse of Maya civilization in the Terminal Classic Period occurred during an extended regional dry period, punctuated by more intense multiyear droughts centered at approximately 810, 860, and 910 A.D. These new data suggest that a century-scale decline in rainfall put a general strain on resources in the region, which was then exacerbated by abrupt drought events, contributing to the social stresses that led to the Maya demise. 相似文献