共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Maya astronomical tables are recognized in bark-paper books from the Late Postclassic period (1300 to 1521 C.E.), but Classic period (200 to 900 C.E.) precursors have not been found. In 2011, a small painted room was excavated at the extensive ancient Maya ruins of Xultun, Guatemala, dating to the early 9th century C.E. The walls and ceiling of the room are painted with several human figures. Two walls also display a large number of delicate black, red, and incised hieroglyphs. Many of these hieroglyphs are calendrical in nature and relate astronomical computations, including at least two tables concerning the movement of the Moon, and perhaps Mars and Venus. These apparently represent early astronomical tables and may shed light on the later books. 相似文献
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The tropical lowlands of southern Mexico and Central America are composed of a complex mosaic of landscapes that presented a variety of possibilities and challenges to the subsistence practices of the ancient Maya. The Yalahau Regional Human Ecology Project has been investigating ancient Maya agricultural practices and use of resources in a unique fresh-water wetland zone located in the northeast corner of the Yucatán Peninsula. While containing only a sparse population today, the Yalahau region once supported numerous Maya communities and civic-ceremonial centers, particularly during the Late Preclassic and Early Classic periods, between approximately 100 B.C. and A.D. 450. Our investigations have developed evidence that the ancient Maya manipulated and cultivated the wetland landscape of the region, used soil or algae from the wetlands to enrich upland garden plots, and cultivated trees within their communities. We suggest that the study of ancient Maya agricultural practices can contribute to sustainable development of the area today and in the future. 相似文献
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A severe incongruity has long existed between the well-known complexity of ancient Maya civilization and the relatively feeble economic base that could be reconstructed for it. Recent fieldwork has ihdicated that much more intensive cultivation patterns were used than was previously thought. Data from the use of synthetic aperture radar in aerial surveys of the southern Maya lowlands suggest that large areas were drained by ancient canals that may have been used for intensive cultivation. Ground checks in several limited areas have confirmed the existence of canals, and excavations and ground surveys have provided valuable comparative information. Taken together, the new data suggest that Late Class period Maya civilization was firmly grounded in large-scale and intensive cultivation of swampy zones. 相似文献
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David L. Carr 《Agriculture and Human Values》2004,21(2-3):171-179
This paper examines potential differences in land use between Q'eqchí Maya and Ladino (Spanish speakers of mixed ancestry) farmers in a remote agricultural frontier in northern Petén, Guatemala. The research site, the Sierra de Lacandón National Park (SLNP), is a core conservation zone of Guatemala's Maya Biosphere Reserve (MBR). In recent years, much has been written about the dramatic process of colonization and deforestation in Petén, Guatemala's largest and northernmost department. Since the early 1980s a rapid rural transformation has occurred where once remote forested regions have been colonized by small farmers, and lands have been converted to maize fields and cattle pastures. Consequently, less than half of the original forest cover in the department remains. Although approximately half of Petén's rural settlers have been Q'eqchí Maya, their land use, and its subsequent impact on Petenero forests, has been little studied. Results suggest that despite heterogeneous land use systems in migrant origin areas, given similar physical and socio-economic conditions following settlement in this remote frontier, Q'eqchí and Ladino farmer land use is remarkably similar. Only a modest land use difference appears to exist between the two groups: Q'eqchí Maya appear to have more extensive swidden maize rotations while Ladinos dedicate more land to pasture. 相似文献
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Marcus J 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1973,180(4089):911-916
Thus far I have discussed ancient Maya sociopolitical structure from the upper levels of the hierarchy downward. Let me now summarize their territorial organization from the bottom upward, starting at the hamlet level (Fig. 8). The smallest unit of settlement-one usually overlooked by archeological surveys in the lowland rain forest-was probably a cluster of thatched huts occupied by a group of related families; larger clusters may have been divided into four quadrants along the lines suggested by Coe (26). Because of the long fallow period (6 to 8 years) characteristic of slash-and-burn agriculture in the Petén, these small hamlets are presumed to have changed location over the years, although they probably shifted in a somewhat circular fashion around a tertiary ceremonial-civic center for whose maintenance they were partly responsible. These tertiary centers were spaced at fairly regular intervals around secondary ceremonial-civic centers with pyramids, carved monuments, and palace-like residences. In turn, the secondary centers occurred at such regular intervals as to form hexagonal patterns around primary centers, which were still larger, with acropolises, multiple ceremonial plazas, and greater numbers of monuments. In some cases, the distance between secondary centers was roughly twice the distance between secondary and tertiary centers, creating a lattice of nested hexagonal cells. This pattern, which conforms to a Western theoretical construct, was presumably caused by factors of service function, travel, and transport. The pattern was not recognized by the Maya at all. They simply recognized that a whole series of smaller centers were dependent on a primary center and therefore mentioned its emblem glyph. Linking the centers of the various hexagons were marriage alliances between members of royal dynasties, who had no kinship ties with the farmers in the hamlets. Out of the large number of primary centers available to them, the Maya selected four as regional capitals. True to their cosmology, the Maya regarded these capitals as associated with the four quadrants of their realm, regardless of their actual location. Each was the home city for a very important dynasty whose junior members probably ruled secondary centers. Since the hexagonal lattices were probably adjusted to variations in population density, each of the four quadrants of the Maya realm probably controlled a comparable number of persons. So strong was the cognized model that, despite the rise and fall of individual centers, there seem always to have been four capitals, each associated with a direction and, presumably, with a color. There is still a great deal to learn about the social, political, and territorial organization of the lowland Maya, and parts of the picture presented here need far more data for their confirmation. What seems likely is that the Maya had an overall quadripartite organization (rather than a core and buffer zone) and that within each quadrant there was at least a five-tiered administrative hierarchy of capital, secondary center, tertiary center, village, and hamlet. Perhaps most significant, there was no real conflict between the lattice-like network predicted by locational analysis and the cosmological four-part structure predicted by epigraphy and ethnology. 相似文献
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The ground pattems found in Pulitrouser Swamp, northern Belize, are vestiges of raised and channelized fields, types of wetland cultivation used by the ancient Maya. This form of hydraulic cultivation was apparently employed sometime between 200 B.C. and A.D. 850. The environment of the swamp, the fields and canals, and one nearby settlement, Kokeal, are described. The evidence indicates that the large number of well-defined ground patterns reported in other areas in the central Maya lowlands are probably vestiges of Maya wetland cultivation. 相似文献
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Pendergast DM 《Science (New York, N.Y.)》1982,217(4559):533-535
Discovery of mercury in an ancient Maya offering at Lamanai, Belize, has stimulated examination of possible sources of the material in the Maya area. Two zones of cinnabar and native mercury deposits can be defined in the Maya highlands, and the presence of the native metal suggests that the ancient Maya collected rather than extracted the mercury from ore. 相似文献
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Trace element analysis of obsidian artifacts from Moho Cay, Belize, reveals that the obsidian derives primarily from the El Chayal outcrop in highland Guatemala and not from the Ixtepeque source. This is contrary to the widely accepted obsidian trade route model for Classic Maya civilization and suggests that Classic Maya obsidian trade was a more complex economic phenomenon than has been recognized. 相似文献
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Prehispanic water management in the Maya Lowlands emphasized collection and storage rather than the canalization and diversion accentuated in highland Mexico. Reexamination of site maps of the ancient Maya city of Tikal, Guatemala, has revealed an important, overlooked factor in Maya centralization and urban settlement organization. In a geographical zone affected by an extended dry season and away from permanent water sources, large, well-planned reservoirs provided resource control as well as political leverage. 相似文献
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浅谈高职Maya课程的教学改革 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
随着三维动画技术的飞速发展,Maya软件的技术为适应各种领域的需要不断更新.Maya教学也面临着新的挑战.结合作者的教学与工作实践,从岗位、授课方式、上机实践教学、培养综合素质等方面探讨了Maya课程教学改革的思路,以求达到更好的教学效果. 相似文献
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沙棘具有适应性强,分布范围广。生长快,产柴量高,火力旺的特点,是保持水士,改良土壤,适宜于荒地造林的优良树种。且繁殖容易,造林技术简单,易于推广。 相似文献
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河北理工大学图书馆楼地震遗址是目前我国唯一的自然灾害型图书馆遗址。震害形态极为典型。办公区全部倒塌，书库坐落、下陷、倾斜，阅览室东西两侧倒塌，中部保持原有的框架结构。地震遗址对于考察图书馆建筑物的震害形态，分析产生震害的主要原因，科学选择图书馆建设场地，合理设计馆舍结构等有重要学术研究价值。应对严重地震灾害，图书馆并非安全之所，不能高枕无忧，必须研究防灾减灾对策，为图书馆工作人员和读者支撑起生命、身体安全的保护伞。 相似文献
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浙江旅游名山是浙江的一种极其宝贵的资源,主要分布在呈西南——东北走向的三列大致平行的山脉中,是在漫长的历史进程中逐步被发现、描述、建设,从而为人们所公认的。浙江旅游名山,就其自然美说,既有“峰峦叠秀”的共同特征,又有其秀丽、险峻、奇特、开阔、幽深、雄伟等不同美感和花岗岩、石灰岩、流纹岩、火山遗址、丹霞地貌等不同景观;就其人文美说,包括艺术美和社会美,主要通过寺观、祠墓、别墅、园林、摩崖石刻、碑碣题记以及地方习俗、传说故事来体现。自然美和人文美的彼此交织,融会一体,则是浙江旅游名山最基本的美学特征。按照名山的特征和规律去发现、保护、建设浙江旅游名山,是历史赋予我们的光荣任务。 相似文献
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John O. Browder 《Agriculture and Human Values》1995,12(1):17-30
This essay critically examines the emerging view among some ethnologists that replicable models of sustainable management of tropical forests may be found within the knowledge systems of contemporary indigenous peoples. As idealized epistemological types, several characteristics distinguishing “indigenous” from “modern” knowledge systems are described. Two culturally distinctive land use systems in Latin America are compared, one developed by an indigenous group, the Huastec Maya, and the other characteristic of colonist farms in Rondonia, Brazil. While each of these systems reflects a different cultural-historical tradition, I argue that the process of knowledge formation and cultural adaptation is coevolutionary and continuous in both cases. The very concept of “indigenous” as a discrete analytic category is questioned; indigenicity alone cannot explain local adaptation of farming systems. Rather than dichotomize indigenous and colonist knowledge as inherently different categories, differences in land use patterns between such social groups may be more accurately viewed as reflecting different points on a single epistemological continuum. 相似文献
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王海燕 《山东农业大学学报(自然科学版)》2012,43(3):446-448
本文简括地介绍了三维动画在当下日趋重要的地位和广阔的前景,从而引导出Maya这一最强大的三维动画软件的产生、发展和应用,以及如何学习与有效地掌握Maya的模型建造.本文旨在提纲挈领地提出Maya建模的要点,透过纷繁的表面剖析出实用高效的方法. 相似文献
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震后灾区重建中出现可供配置的土地资源严重短缺,因此土地整理成为震后重建工作的重要任务之一。从建筑用地的房屋结构、地震烈度、用途、地质构造等方面,分析建筑废墟地损毁状况,根据建筑废墟地整理的原则,提出几种有差别的建筑废墟地整理模式。一是城镇建筑废墟地整理模式。通过建筑废墟的处理和地基处理技术整理为建设用地;通过土壤重构整理为生态用地;通过消除隐患工程整理为旅游、教学科研等用地。二是农村居民点废墟地整理模式。通过土地平整技术、土壤重构技术、农田基础设施建设技术整理为耕地;通过选址、基础设施建设整理为新村模式。最后提出保证灾区土地整理工作良好运作的建议。 相似文献
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东营市园林树种调查及规划 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
东营市是黄河三角洲的新兴城市,该地区多为滨海盐碱地,因其特殊的立地条件,绿化多以客土为主,随着胜利油田的开发,加快了东营市的建设步伐,树木引种的数量及种类显著提高,但某些树种表现出对盐碱地的不适应,种植搭配不够合理等。经过实地调查,东营市现有园林树种99种,其中常绿树种18种,占18．2%;落叶树种81种,占81．8%;藤本9种,占9%;竹2种,占2%;乔灌比1:1．26;常绿落叶比1:4．5,在此基础上,对东营市树种规划提出建议。 相似文献